185: Mauryan dynasty ends, Hinduism restored, Jains & Buddhists persecuted 184: Plautus: b.254, Roman playwright, "Early Latin"; Loeb Classics: 5 volumes 182: Hannibal: b.247, Carthaginian general, crossed the Alps with elephants 180-145: Ptolemy VI Philometer (mother-loving): rapid decline of empire 180?: Wisdom of Jesus ben Sirach (Vg: Ecclesiasticus): written in Hebrew in
Jerusalem, Hebrew manuscripts found at Masada and Qumran Cave 2 (Septuagint) 180?: Aristophanes of Byzantium: Alexandrian librarian, invented vowel accents 179: Pons Aemilius: oldest extant stone bridge in Rome 175-164: Antiochus IV Epiphanes (God-manifest): Seleucid king, persecuted Jews 175: Jerusalem High Priest Jason builds gymnasium for Greek athletic games ...
175?: Papyrus Rylands 458: R957, Greek Deuteronomy fragments, ~20v from 23-28 171-138: Mithradates I: Parthian king, controls all of Persian Plateau 171-168: 3rd Macedonian War: Rome defeats Perseus, Macedon split: 4 republics 169: Ennius the Poet: b.239, "Father of Latin Literature"; Loeb Classics: 4v.
168: June 21: lunar eclipse in Rome [Livy: Ab Urbe Condita 44.37.8] 168: Antiochus IV plunders and desecrates Jerusalem Temple & erects Zeus altar 167: Dec: Antiochus IV abolishes Temple worship, Jews forced to eat pork ...
167-164: Hasmonean (Maccabean) Revolt: Judean response to Antiochus IV [1Mac2] 165: Daniel: written in Jerusalem, ~1/2 Aramaic, some basis in past: 280-180 164: Dec: Jerusalem Temple rededicated by Judas Maccabaeus son of Mattathias 164-63: Hasmonean (Maccabean) Kingdom of Judea 164-162: Antiochus V Eupator (born-of-noble-father): Seleucid king of Syria 160-144: Jonathan Maccabaeus: High Priest and King of Jerusalem, assassinated 159: Terence: b.185, African brought to Rome as a slave, wrote comic dramas
Andria, Hecyra, Heauton timorumenos, Eunuchus, Phormio, Adelphi; Loeb: 2v 150?: Judith: original written in Hebrew, ironic moralist novel (Septuagint) 150?: Psalms 151-155 (Peshitta), LXX:Ps151, Hebrew:Qumran:11QPs(a):151,154,155 150?: Pausanias: Greek geographer & historian; Loeb Classics has 5 volumes 150?: Papyrus Nash: Decalogue (Ex20) and Shema (Dt5) in Hebrew, 1949 150?: Papyrus R819: Greek Deuteronomy 11:4 149-146: Third Punic War: Romans kill 450,000 in brutal sack of Carthage ...
149-148: 4th Macedonian War: Rome crushes revolt, end of Macedonian resistance 149: Cato the Elder: b.234, Roman Chief Jurist, wrote: "de Agri Cultura"; Loeb 147-139: Viriatus of Lusitania (Portugal) rebels against Rome, assassinated 146: Greece under Roman rule
145-116: Ptolemy VIII Physcon (pot-bellied): cruel, expels Alex. scholars ...
145-142: Antiochus VI Epiphanes Dionysus (Dionysus Manifest): Seleucid king 144-135: Simon Maccabaeus: Ethnarch & High Priest of Jerusalem, expels
Syrians, annexed Jaffa, assassinated [1Mac13-16] 141-87: Wudi (Wu Ti): emperor of China, Confucianism state ideology, silk road 138-129: Antiochus VII Sidetes (of Side): Seleucid king of Syria 139: Liu An writes "Huai-nan-tzu": an encylopedia of Chinese philosophy 135-104: John Hyrkanos I: Ethnarch & High Priest of Jerusalem, "Age of Expan-
sion", annexes Trans-Jordan, Samaria, Galilee, Idumea. Forces Idumeans to
convert to Judaism, hired non-Jewish mercenaries, etc., Pharisees & Sadducees
, "Sadducees have their
support only among the rich, and the people do not follow them, while the
Pharisees have the people for their ally" [JA13.298]; Samaritans compile
their own version of the Torah using Old Hebrew script; Qumran community
established (Dead Sea Scrolls - 1949), Essene sect?, mostly Hebrew scrolls 134-132: 1st Servile War: unsuccessful slave uprising in Sicily against Rome 133: Asia Minor (modern Turkey) annexed by Rome 132: Ecclesiasticus: (see 180) translated into Greek by grandson (Septuagint) 130: 1 Maccabees: Greek translation of lost Hebrew original (Septuagint) 130: Pergamum killed in Rome for attempting a Utopian uprising (Sun-city) 128-124-87: Artabanus I - Mithradates II: Parthian kings, control Mesopotamia 125-96: Antiochus VIII Grypus (hook-nosed): Seleucid king of Syria 125?: Additions to Greek Daniel: Prayer of Azariah (after Dn3:23) (Septuagint) 125?: Hipparchus: Greek Astronomer, calc. year length to 7 min. (365.25-1/300) 125?: 1QIsa(a): full Hebrew "Isaiah Scroll" from Qumran Cave 1, MT text-type
[most "Dead Sea Scrolls" are of MT text-type and verify its antiquity] 120-63: Mithradates VI Eupator: b.133, king of Pontus (Asia Minor) 120: 2 Maccabees: Greek based on earlier lost Greek original (Septuagint) 120: Polybius: b.203?, Greek historian, Loeb Classics has 6 volumes 116-107,88-81: Ptolemy IX Lathyrus (chickpea): Roman influence in region 114: Zhang Qian: (Chang Ch'ien), Chinese explorer, tours India-Parthia-Greece 107-88: Ptolemy X Alexander I: displaced Ptolemy IX then overthrown 107,104-100: Marius: consul of Rome
105: Jugurtha king of Numidia Africa defeated by Marius and Sulla of Rome 105: first College of Technology in Alexandria, founded by mathematician Heron 104: Judah Aristobulus I: High Priest and King of Jerusalem, was a brute ...
103-76: Alexander Jannaeus: High Priest and King of Jerusalem, was cruel ...
102-99: 2nd Servile War: unsuccessful slave uprising in Sicily against Rome 100-0: period of Classical Latin literature such as Cicero (43) 100: Ossuaries (stone bone boxes) with Greek inscriptions appear in Jerusalem 100: tomb of Goliath family linked to Temple Priesthood, inscriptions in Greek 100?: most of the Jewish Scriptures available in Greek translation(s?) 100?: Additions to Greek Daniel: c.13: Bel & Dragon c.14: Susanna (Septuagint) 100?: Enoch: 8 Aramaic manuscripts found at Qumran Cave 4 (Ethiopic Bible) 100?: Jubilees: 10 Hebrew manuscripts at Qumran Caves 1,2,4 (Ethiopic Bible) 100?: Papyrus R801: Greek Leviticus 26:2-16 found at Qumran Cave 4 100?: Papyrus R805: Greek Exodus 28:4-7 found at Qumran Cave 7 100?: Wisdom (of Solomon); 1 Esdras (LXX:Esdras A, Vg:3 Esdras); 1 Baruch;
Prayer of Manasseh (cf. 2Chr33:1-19); all written in Greek (Septuagint) 100?: "Letter of Aristeas": describes Septuagint (282-246) translation of
Torah by 72 Jerusalem Temple delegates, 6 from each of the 12 tribes, in
72 days, for Library of Alexandria, etc.; mythical?
95-83: Antiochus X Eusebus (pious): Seleucid king of Syria 95-56: Tigranes II the Great: Armenian king, conquered Mesop. & Syria till 69 90-88: Social War: Italian revolt against Rome, Italians granted citzenship 90: Vitruvius: Roman architect & engineer, wrote: "de Architectura"; Loeb: 2v 90: Sima Qian: (Ssu-ma Ch'ien), b.145, Chinese historian: "Shiju" (Shih Chi) 88-84: 1st Mithradatic War: Mithradates of Pontus (Asia Minor) beat by Sulla 88-87: Civil War in Rome: Sulla takes control 87-84: Cinna and Marius seize control of Rome when Sulla in Pontus, purges ...
86: Sulla of Rome sacks Athens for revolting during 1st Mithradatic War 83: Roman Temple of Jupiter burned, original Roman Sibylline (Crone
Prophetess) Oracles destroyed, temple rebuilt in 76 83-78: Sulla regains control of Rome, rules as "dictator for life", purges ...
83-81: 2nd Mithradatic War: Sulla continues attack after false peace treaty 82: Alexander Polyhistor of Miletus writes a history of the Jews in Greek 80: Ptolemy XI: ap. by Sulla;married former Queen;murdered her;murdered by mob 80-58,55-51: Ptolemy XII Auletus (piper): hated;expelled;restored by Gabinius 80-72: Roman general Sertorius leads Spanish revolt, crushed by Pompey 78: Esther: translated into Greek in Jerusalem (Septuagint) 76-67: Salome Alexandra: Queen of Jerusalem, last ~independent Judean ruler 75-67: Hyrcanus II: High Priest of Jerusalem, son of Salome Alexandra 75?: Papyrus Fouad 266: R847-8, Greek Dt11,17-33 frag.; square Hebrew Tetragrm 74-63: 3rd Mithradatic War: Romans complete Pontus conquest, annexed to Asia 73-71: 3rd Servile War: Spartacus' slave uprising; crushed by Crassus & Pompey 70: Crassus and Pompey: consuls of Rome 69-64: Antiochus XIII Asiaticus: last king of Seleucid Empire of Syria 67-63: Aristobulus II: High Priest & King of Jerusalem, Hyrcanus II's brother 64-63: Conspiracy of Catiline in Rome against Cicero's consulship 64: Pompey the Great of Rome conquers last of Seleucid Kingdom in Syria 63: Caesar elected Pontifex Maximus (Highest Priest) by Roman Senate 63: Pompey conquers Jerusalem, selects Hyrcanus II over Aristobulus II 63-41: Hyrcanus II: back as High Priest in alliance with Antipater the Idumean 60-53: "First Roman Triumvirate": Caesar-Pompey-Crassus 58-51: Julius Caesar's "Gallic Wars" (modern France), names Britannia (UK) 57-55: Gabinius: Roman proconsul of Syria, split Hasmonean Kingdom (164-63)
into Galilee, Samaria, Judea with five districts of "synhedria"
(G4892:sunedrion:Sanhedrin): Jerusalem/Jericho/Amathus/Sepphoris/?
56-34: Artavazd II: Armenian king, playwright, murdered by Antony & Cleopatra 55: Lucretius: b.99, Roman poet & philosopher, wrote "de Rerum Natura"; (Loeb) 54: erection of new (Julian) forum in Rome 54?: Gaius Valerius Catullus: b.84?, Roman lyric poet, wrote "Carmina"; (Loeb) 53: May: Roman Triumvir Crassus killed during failed invasion of Parthia 51-47: Ptolemy XIII: deposed his sister Queen Cleopatra VII in 49 50?: Psalms of Solomon: Hebrew written in Jerusalem (Septuagint) 50?: Additions to Greek Esther: 1 & after 3:13,4:17,5:2,8:12,10:3 (Septuagint) 50?: Papyrus R802: Greek Lev 2-5 frags, Qumran Cave 4, Greek Tetragramm.: IAO 50?: Papyrus R803: Greek Numbers 3:30-4:14 fragments found at Qumran Cave 4 50?: Mahayana (Greater Vehicle) Sutras of Buddhism written in India 49: Roman Senate, led by Pompey, orders Caesar to disband his armies in Gaul 49: Jan 10: Caesar "crosses the Rubicon" river and invades Italy 49: Mar: Pompey, defeated by Caesar at Brundisium, flees to Greece 48: Jun-Sep: Caesar defeats Pompey @ Pharsalus Greece, pursues Pompey to Egypt
where Pompey murdered, establishes mistress Cleopatra VII as Queen of Egypt 48-44: Gaius Julius Caesar: b.102, Julio-Claudian dynasty, wrote: "Bellum
Gallicum" (Gallic War) in 51, "Bellum civile" (Civil War) in 47; Loeb: 3v.
47-44: Ptolemy XIV: Caesar orders marriage of sister Cleopatra who killed him 47-40: Phasael: governor of Jerusalem, elder son of Antipater the Idumean 47-40: Herod: governor of Galilee, younger son of Antipater the Idumean, earns
a reputation of being tough on Jews, kills Hezekiah without a trial ...
47: Aug: Caesar defeats Pontic army at Zela, Asia Minor, "Veni, vidi, vici" 47: Library of Ptolemy I Soter in Alexandria destroyed by fire 46: Jan-Apr: Caesar's campaigns in North Africa (which becomes Roman province) 46: Julian (Roman) Calendar: 365.25 days with leap year (initial set to solar) 46: Cato the Younger: b.95, Roman Chief Jurist, opposed Caesar;commits suicide 46: Nov: Caesar's campaign against remnant Pompeian forces in Spain 44-31: Ptolemy XV Caesarion (little-Caesar): Caesar's son by Queen Cleopatra 44: Caesar declared "dictator for life" by Roman Senate 44: March 15: "Ides of March", Caesar assassinated by Cassius, Casca, Brutus,
etc., "Et tu Brute?", civil war breaks out, Cassius claims Eastern Empire 43: Roman Senate declares war on Mark Antony, Octavian wins 2 battles at
Mutina, then 2nd Triumvirs agreement till 32: Mark Antony takes East,
Octavian takes Italy, Marcus Lepidus takes Gaul, all enemies are murdered 43: Cicero: b.106, Roman lawyer, orator & politician, 'Classical Latin',
executed by Octavian in 2nd Triumvirs purge; Loeb Classics has 28 volumes 42: Caesar declared God by Roman Senate 40: Mark Antony marries Octavian's sister Octavia to seal Perugia treaty 40: Parthia invades Syria, Herod escapes to Rome, Phasael commits suicide 40-37: Mattathias Antigonus: Hasmonean High Priest and King of Jerusalem 39: Herod appointed king of Judea in Rome by Mark Antony and Octavian Augustus 38: Romans recapture Syria (E. Mediterranean) from Parthians (neo-Persians) 37: July: Herod captures Jerusalem with help of Roman legions 37-4: King Herod the Great of Judea: b.73?, "Massacrer of the Innocents" (4?),
kills Antigonus and all heirs (end of Hasmonean dynasty), Octavian said:
"One would rather be Herod's swine than his son", posed as a champion of
hellenic culture, purely Greek inscriptions used on coins and weights,
Herod's Jerusalem was thoroughly hellenic with Greek theatre and Hippodrome 36: Mark Antony dumps wife Octavia, marries Cleopatra VII the Queen of Egypt 35-33: Octavian conquers Illyria (Dalmatian coast) 34: Sallust: b.86, Roman historian and politician; (Loeb Classics) 32: Octavian has Roman Senate declare war on Mark Antony (Triumvirs canceled) 31-14ce: Octavian Augustus: b.63, 1st Roman emperor, son of Apollo and virgin 31: Sept 2: Octavian & Agrippa defeat fleet of Antony & Cleopatra at Actium 30: Egypt annexed as Roman province, Antony and Cleopatra commit suicide 29: Roman Temple of Divus Julius (Divine Julius) dedicated 28: Oct 9: Roman Temple of Apollo dedicated 27: Jan 13-16: Roman Senate honors Octavian: Imperator Caesar Augustus 27: Roman Pantheon: built by Agrippa (12) to honor all gods of the empire 27: Marcus Terentius Varro: b.116, Roman scholar, "de Lingua Latina"; Loeb: 2v 25: 3 Maccabees: (Ptolemaica), written in Greek in Alexandria (Septuagint) 25: Cornelius Nepos: b.100?, Roman historian; (Loeb Classics) 25?: Papyrus R942: Greek Genesis 7 and 38 fragments 25?: Roman Planetary Week: Saturn/Sun/Moon/Mars/Mercury/Jupiter/Venus 22-19: Augustus tours Eastern Empire to set eastern frontier in order 19-4: Herod rebuilds a hellenized Jewish Temple, includes Roman eagle gate ...
19: Vergil: (Virgil), b.70, Roman Poet: "Aeneid", "Georgics" ... Loeb: 2v 19: Albius Tibullus: b.54?, Roman poet; (Loeb Classics with Catullus) 18: Leges Juliae: Augustus' moral laws, punishes childless and adulterers 15: Agrippa (Herod's personal friend) visits Jewish Temple with sacrifices 15?: Sextus Propertius: b.50?, Roman poet; (Loeb Classics) 12: Augustus elected Pontifex Maximus (Highest Priest) by Roman Senate 12: Roman Temple of Vesta dedicated, maintained by Vestal Virgins 12: Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa: b.63, Roman general, Augustus' right hand 10: Herod inaugurates his new city of Caesarea; invades Nabataea (Arabia) in 9 8: Horace: b.65,Roman Poet:Carmina;Epodi;Satirae;Epistulae;Ars Poetica;Loeb 2v 6?: Herod executes Zealots who attempt to remove Roman eagle gate from Temple 4?: "Massacre of the Innocents", Herod executes all infants, mythical? [Mt2] 4-6ce: Herod Archelaus: son of Herod & Malthace (Samaritan), ethnarch of Judea 4-34ce: Philip: son of Herod & Cleopatra, tetrarch of Iturea & Trachonitis 4-39ce: Herod Antipas: son of Herod & Malthace, tetrarch of Galilee & Perea 4: Passover riot in Jerusalem, 1 cohort + ~3,000 Jews killed [JW2.10,JA17.204] 2: Roman Temple of Mars Ultor (Avenger Wargod) dedicated (first erected in 20) ::::::::::::::
brown
::::::::::::::
Even the great Roman Catholic scholar "Father" [cf.Mt23:9] Raymond Brown, in Theological Studies #26 (1965) p.545-73 "Does the NT call Jesus God?" is forced by the Biblical facts to concede that Mk10:18,Lk18:19,Mt19:17, Mk15:34,Mt27:46,Jn20:17,Eph1:17,2Cor1:3,1Pt1:3,Jn17:3,1Cor8:6,Eph4:4-6, 1Cor12:4-6,2Cor13:14,1Tm2:5,Jn14:28,Mk13:32,Ph2:5-10,1Cor15:24-28 are "texts that seem to imply that the title "God" was not used for Jesus" and are "negative evidence which is often somewhat neglected in Catholic treatments of the subject." Also: "Jesus is never called God in the Synoptic Gospels, and a passage like Mk 10:18 would seem to preclude the possibility that Jesus used the title of himself. Even the fourth Gospel never portrays Jesus as saying specifically that he is God. The sermons which Acts attributes to the beginning of the Christian mission do not speak of Jesus as God. Thus, there is no reason to think that Jesus was called God in the earliest layers of New Testament tradition. This negative conclusion is substantiated by the fact that Paul does not use the title in any epistle written before 58." And "The slow development of the usage of the title "God" for Jesus requires explanation. Not only is there the factor that Jesus is not called God in the earlier strata of New Testament material, but also there are passages, cited in the first series of texts above, that by implication reserve the title "God" for the Father.
Moreover, even in the New Testament works that speak of Jesus as God, there are also passages that seem to militate against such a usage - a study of these texts will show that this is true of the Pastorals and the Johannine literature. The most plausible explanation is that in the earliest stage of Christianity the Old Testament heritage dominated the use of the title "God"; hence, "God" was a title too narrow to be applied to Jesus. It referred strictly to the Father of Jesus, to the God whom he prayed. Gradually, (in the 50's and 60's?) in the development of Christian thought "God" was understood to be a broader term. It was seen that God had revealed so much of Himself in Jesus that "God" had to be able to include both Father and Son."
Now, of course, Fr. Brown, not wishing to be excommmunicated or perhaps denied a shot at sainthood a la St. Jerome, does not deny the post-Nicene (Constantinian-Justinian) "truth" (by committee) that Jesus is "true God of true God." But, even he is reduced to three proof texts: Heb1:8-9, Jn1:1, Jn20:28. Now, if you start with the "truth" and then derive the facts (as is the Medieval European Dark Ages tradition) - then these three will suit your purpose. However, starting instead with the Biblical facts and only then deducing the truth, the conclusion is quite clear, as Fr. Brown is forced to concede for Jesus and the Jerusalem Church of Peter and James and early Christianity. Heb1:8-9 rests on the assumption that the LXX should be read in such a manner that it conflicts with the MT. Highly unlikely and even then this cite can only support a preconceived theory at best. Jn1:1 is mired in controversy (see Brown's Gospel of John). A perfectly valid translation of the Greek could be: "In the beginning was the word and the word was toward God and divine was what the word was." In any case, the topic here is clearly the pre-existant word (i.e. "Let there be light") which is only loosely connected with Jesus (see Brown's Gospel of John).
Again, we have a cite that can only support a preconceived theory at best. Fr. Brown, though a devoted Trinitarian is forced to concede once again and even warns against reading this verse in a post-Nicene context. And Jn20:28 rests on the assumption that early Christians found the hated Emperor Domitian's [81-96] title of "dominus et deus noster" [Our Lord and God] attractive and thus applied it to Jesus also. Quoting Fr. Brown: "the contention of Theodore of Mopsuestia [d.428] that Thomas was uttering an exclamation of thanks *to the Father* finds few proponents today." Yet, of course, in context, that is exactly what Thomas was doing. After all, Jesus didn't raise himself from the dead, to do so would only rank him with all the other pagan magicians of his day - rather the early Christians, who felt defeated by the crucifixion and the failure of the "first coming," rejoiced that some had actually seen Jesus raised *by* God [the Father] to sit not in the throne of God but at the right hand of God as His [God's] annointed Messianic King. Thomas of course doubted these reports but when he saw Jesus himself, his faith was reborn. Thus, of course, in context, Thomas praises God [the Father, who raised Jesus] and Jesus the Messianic King.
In conclusion, Fr. Brown seems impressed that the Roman pagan historian Pliny the Younger recorded Christians as "singing hymns to Christ as to a god." <... Christo quasi deo> [Letter 10.96] But pagans also recorded Jews as singing hymns to an ass as a god [gadarogamai=ass-kissers], etc.
And right in the NT, early pagan converts of Paul and Barnabas are recorded as proclaiming them as gods [Ac14:11-13]. And one has the verses Ac12:22,19:37,28:6,1Cor8:5,2Cor4:4,Phil3:19 to deal with. But why read the Bible in a pagan context, or a Constantinian-Justianian context? Why not read the Bible in the context of the Bible - and leave the Dark Ages behind? Wise up - rise up - toward God. Into the light.
Ecce Homo. The reformation continues.
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caiaphas
::::::::::::::
Excerpt from Anchor Bible Dictionary, 1992, ISBN:0-385-19351-3,
entry: Caiaphas by Bruce Chilton, pp. 803-806:
CAIAPHAS (PERSON) [Gk Kaiaphas]. There is not unanimity but rather a consensus among the gospels that the high priest at the time of Jesus' death was named Caiaphas, and that he played an active role in the proceedings. Each of the presentations amounts to a nuanced portrayal of the events leading up to Jesus' death, and each should be appreciated in its own right before any general statement in respect of Caiaphas may be made. In Matthew, the notice of a conspiratorial meeting of high priests and elders is located in the courtyard of Caiaphas' house (26:3) at the commencement of the passion narrative. In Mark and Luke, there is no such reference to location, and less detail in the description of the conspiracy. The second (and final) reference to Caiaphas in Matthew has scribes and elders gathered with Caiaphas, to whom Jesus, having been arrested, is brought (26:57). The reference marks the success of the conspiracy. The conspirators had "taken counsel, that they might arrest Jesus by stealth, and kill him" (26:4); in 26:57 the "crowd" from the high priests, scribes, and elders (2O:47) have succeeded in the arrest, and it is Caiaphas' question and Jesus' response (26:63b-64) which will bring the verdict of blasphemy, and a condemnation to death (26:65,66). The grounds on which Jesus is found guilty of blasphemy is a vexed question, since no profanation of the divine name appears to be involved (Lev 24:15, 16: Sanh.
7:5). But Caiaphas' tearing of his garments in 26:65 (again, cf. Sanh. 7:5) supports the reading that a judicial finding is involved.
Matthew's Caiaphas is not explicitly provided with any motivation. Indeed, he is not even named as an active agent of the conspiracy in 26:3. The mention of the courtyard may be more important cartographically than for its owner: in the same place, Peter denies Jesus at the close of the chapter (26:69-75: cf.
57, 58). At the crucial moment of his question, Caiaphas is simply identified as the high priest (26:59, 62, 63), the chief representative of the high priests generally (26:3, 14, 47, 59), who are primary instigators of Jesus' judgment, and also of his death (27:1, 3, 6, 12, 20, 41, 62). The reference to a plurality of high priests is technically incorrect, although common enough in the Gospels, and presumably is used in respect of the leading families from which the high priest was chosen. The picture of an elite, familial group, intimately associated with hierarchical authority, is supported by Acts 4:6, where Annas is named as high priest, and Caiaphas, John, and Alexander are referred to, along with all who were of high priestly lineage. Matthew's pic- ture, then, is of deadly opposition from those most intimately involved with the temple. Caiaphas is emblematic of the opposition without being an instigator of it. Mark achieves much the same effect with a comparable pattern of diction (particularly "high priest(s)"), but without naming Caiaphas.
Luke does name Caiaphas, but in a peculiar manner (3:2). The ministry of John the Baptist is introduced with what at first sight seems chronological exactitude (3:1), but there is then reference to the time of the high priesthood of Annas and Caiaphas (v 2; Acts 4:6). Because the office was not jointly held, the statement constitutes a puzzle, and one which is complicated by the close relationship between Annas and Caiaphas, as documented by Josephus Ant 18.2.2; 18.4.3 has it that Joseph Caiaphas was appointed high priest around the year 18 by Valerius Gratus and removed from office around the year 36 by Vitellius. Annas was appointed by Quirinius around A.D. 6 and deposed by Valerius Gratus in A.D. 15 (Ant 18.2.1, 2). Luke 3:2, and especially Acts 4:6 therefore appear to infuse two quite distinct high priesthoods. S. Sandmel has in fact argued that Luke-Acts mistakenly recognizes only Annas as high priest, and that a careless use of sources caused the name of Caiaphas to intrude (Sandmel, IDB 1: 482). But the lose relationship between Annas and Caiaphas has simply not been taken into account by Sandmel: Annas' influence survived far beyond his high priesthood in that five of his sons were to serve in the office (Ant 20.9.1), and Caiaphas was perhaps his son-in-law (John 18:13). The fact remains, however, that to single out Annas as high priest after A.D. 15 appears to be an error (Catchpole 1971: 170).
D. R. Catchpole is sufficiency convinced by the tenacity of the Lukan confusion that he understands the reference to the house and courtyard of the high priest in Luke 22:54, 55 in respect of Annas, rather than of Caiaphas (Catchpole 1971: 171). Such an exegesis construes Luke in such a way as to accord strikingly with John, and disrupts any exact parallel with Matt 28:57, 58. Substantially, however, the analogy with Matthew is difficult to explain away, and the latter identifies the house specifically as that of Caiaphas.
There are, however, rather clear indications that the Lukan approach to Jesus' condemnation is to focus on the high priests as a group. Except for 3:2; 22:50, 54, the noun always appears in the plural in Luke in order to speak of a judicial proceeding against Jesus (9:22; 19:47; 22:2, 4, 52, 66; 23:4, 10, 13; 24:20). The effect of that pattern is to emphasize the nature and source of opposition to Jesus: the usage of 22:66-71 even puts the fateful question of Jesus' identity in the mouth of the "high priests" generally. Likewise, Luke alone of all the Gospels refers to the *strategoi* in 22:4, 52 in connection with Jesus' arrest. The evident reference is to the police of the temple (Jeremias 1969: 180), but Luke uses a word in the plural which appears both in Josephus and Acts as a singular, referring to the captain of the temple (Ant 20.6.2; Acts 4:1; 5:24, 26). It may be that Lukan usage is somewhat loose at this point. Acts 16:20, 22, 35, 36, 38 employs the plural noun, in respect of magistrates in Philippi. The inference may be drawn that the description of Jesus' arrest and prosecution has been shaped to accommodate a Lukan scheme. Within that scheme, Caiaphas as a personality, or even as an active agent of conspiracy, is not in view. Annas also is little more than a cipher of priestly opposition. What is emphasized is the organization of the prosecuting authorities and their link with the temple.
Caiaphas emerges most clearly as a personality in John, in lose association with Jesus' passion, but he does not emerge as an active or willing agent of Jesus' execution. John 11:47-53 presents a gathering of high priests and Pharisees, in which Jesus' many signs, most notably the raising of Lazarus (vv 1-46), provokes the fear that the Romans will come and destroy both our place and our nation (v 48). But Caiaphas is said to have prophesied Jesus' death, being high priest of that year by pronouncing the dictum that it was expedient for one man to perish for the people, that the whole nation might not be destroyed (vv 49-51). The result is as in the Synoptics (but not in the context of Lazarus' raising), that counsel is taken to kill Jesus (v 53).
Notably, no malice is ascribed to Caiaphas; his prophecy is said to derive from his high priestly office. The reference to that year has been taken to mean that within the Johannine scheme, Caiaphas alternated years in service with Annas. Such a reading is an exegetically desperate maneuver, designed to explain the prominent role of Annas in chap. 18: a less strained understanding would take "that year" as the year in which Jesus dies (E. Jacquier DB 2/1: 45). Be that as it may, the fact remains that the Johannine portrait of Caiaphas is, so far, respectful of the man and his office.
The 18th chap. of John presents an account of Jesus' arrest and trial which differs substantially from that of the Synoptics. Although Caiaphas is again called high priest of that year (v 13c), the combined forces of "the cohort and the officer and the servants of the Jews" (v 12) take Jesus to Annas first (v 13a). Caiaphas' marital relationship to Annas is also mentioned (v 13b), but that scarcely motivates the session at Annas' house, which is the scene that follows (vv 15-24). Caiaphas until this point is a bystander to the action and the Johannine presentation heightens the contrast with Annas' activism, by recalling Caiaphas' prophecy in 11:49-52; cf. 18:14. He is more moved by events than he influences them. Consistently, the account of the session at Annas' is punctuated with references to him as the high priest; at one point his status as such causes Jesus to be struck by a servant for his insolence (v 22 cf. vv 15, 16, 19). Caiaphas, by contrast, is a cipher within the text: Jesus is brought to him in v 24, a final scene of Petrine denial unfolds in vv 25-27, and Jesus is immediately led away from Caiaphas to the praetorium in v 28; cf. 35. Concomitant with this truncation of Caiaphas' role, which denies him any dramatic place in the action, we are left in John with no equivalent to the Synoptic dispute which involves the temple and Jesus' messianic status. Annas interrogates him regarding his disciples and his teaching (v 19); how the issue comes to be Jesus' royal pretensions, in his confrontation with Pilate (vv 33-38), is not explained. Although Sandmel's theory, that reference to Caiaphas was made in an attempt to clean up Johannine chronology, may be invoked here, it does not actually explain why so very little involvement is attributed to Caiaphas. A possibly more satisfactory explanation is that John's gospel is written on the supposition that the Synoptic catechesis has already been appropriated.
The most striking feature of consensus among the Gospels and Josephus in respect to Caiaphas is his close relationship with the Roman administration.
Cordial relations are implicit in his long tenure (some eighteen years) as high priest. Between Herod's appointment of Ananel and the destruction of the temple, Josephus counts twenty-eight high priests (Epstein 1964: 52; Ant 20.10; and Jacquier DB 2/1: 44), so that the duration of Caiaphas' high priesthood was exceptional. Removed by Vitellus ca. 36, Caiaphas' exercise of office included the period of Pilate's tenure. The latter was infamous for his insults to the national and religious identity of Judaism and Caiaphas is notable for his absence from the pages of Josephus which describe objections and rebellions against Pilates' activity (Jacquier DB 2/1: 44; Ant 18.3.1, 2; JW 2.9.24). The same Vitelius who dismissed Pilate also released the high priestly vestments from custody in the Antonia (Jeremias 1969: 149, n.4 and Ant 18.4.3), a custody with which Caiaphas had apparently complied. The close cooperation between Caiaphas and the Roman authorities is implicit within the passion narratives of all four gospels. For all the differences between the Synoptics and John, there is a consensus that, following a hearing and high priestly interrogation, it was resolved to dispatch Jesus to Pilate (Matt 27: 1-2; Mark 15:1; Luke 23:1; John 18:28). The Johannine version of events may even hint at Roman complicity as early as Jesus' arrest: it speaks of a cohort and an officer in addition to a force associated with the high priesthood (18:1, 12). Catchpole (1971: 149; also Jeremias 1969: 210) rightly points out that "cohort" (*speira*) and "officer" (*chiliarchos*) might refer to a band sent from the Jewish authorities, but probability is against that reading.
Both the passages in John speak of the cohort and "servants" of the Jewish authorities; the identity of the two groups does not seem to be implied.
Within the NT itself both "cohort" and "officer" refer straightforwardly to Roman military arrangements. If that usage is also to be understood in the case of John, then the fourth gospel does intensify the portrait of high priestly connivance with the Romans, which is independently attested in the Synoptics and (implicitly) in Josephus.
A single, symbolic, and physical center provided the focus of Roman and high priestly cooperation--the temple. The establishment of a police force to guard the purity of the temple is widely attested, in Mishnah, Philo, and Josephus (Jeremias 1969: 209-10 and HJP2 1: 366). From the point of view of successive Roman administrations, the sacrificial cult of the temple was valuable, not merely tolerable, because sacrifices in the emperor's behalf were offered there (JW 2.10.4; HJP2 1: 379-80; 2/1: 311-12). Custody of high priestly garments, the maintenance of a credibly deterrent force in the Antonia (JW 5.6.8), and acceptance of a death penalty against desecrating the temple (HJP2 1: 378; 2: 80, 222 n.85, 284-85), together make sense as a coherent policy on the part of the Romans. Provided the cult of the temple proceeded under Roman permission and protection, the Jewish refusal to sacrifice to the emperor's image could be overlooked, and Judaism could be seen as a licit society. The formal outbreak of war with Rome in A.D. 66 is, precisely for that reason, signaled by a refusal to offer sacrifice on the emperor's behalf (JW 2.17.2).
Caiaphas would have occupied an important position within this delicate settlement. His interrogation of Jesus, following a series of questions conceding the latter's statement in respect of the temple (Matt 26:57-66; Mark 14:55-64; cf. Luke 22:54-71, which is entirely christological in focus) is quite plausible. Likewise the suggestion of O. Betz, that Caiaphas' counsel in John 11:49-50 suits a Sadducean theology reflected in Josephus (Betz ANRW 2/ 25/1: 596-98), is speculative but defensible. Josephus calls Caiaphas "Joseph Caiaphas"; attempts to explain the surname have abounded from antiquity until the recent past. The results have been inconclusive, although they eloquently attest the attitudes of the scholars who propose them (cf. HJP2 2: 230; Jacquier DB, 44; and Jerome's verdict, "investigator vel sagax, sed melius vomens ore," discussed in Kraus JEnc 1: 493). No judgment of Caiaphas' character or motivation can make any serious claim on our attention, except as an imaginative exercise. Historically speaking, the available evidence will not permit conclusions of that sort. Nonetheless, Caiaphas' obvious, necessary, and essential link with the temple remains.
A Talmudic tradition has it that, forty years prior to the destruction of the temple, the Sanhedrin was exiled from the chamber of hewn stone in the Jerusalem temple to Hanuth ('Abod. Zar. 8b; Sabb. 15a; Sanh. 41a; Jeremias 1969: 21O; Eppstein 1964: 48). That momentous reform is naturally placed during the pontificate of Caiaphas, and Eppstein suggests that another innovation should also be attributed to him: the permission for vendors of offerings to set up shop within the precincts of the temple (Eppstein 1964: 55). Eppstein's elaborate reconstruction of a struggle for power between Caiaphas and the "Sanhedrin" (itself a problematic designation) is a tissue of speculation, but he has pointed to what may have been a crucial issue between Caiaphas and Jesus. Within the Gospels, Jesus' expulsion of such vendors and money-changers from the temple is a pivotal event (Matt 21:12-13; Mark 11:15- 17; Luke 19:45-46; John 2:13-17). The money-changers are easily presented as villains, but the fact is they served a useful purpose, in that Roman coin, the currency of oppression, was scarcely apposite to achieve atonement. The ancient Tyrean shekel was used instead, and the rate of exchange appears to have been controlled (Eppstein 1964:43, n.10; Seqal. 1.6, 7). Eppstein suggests that the tables of exchange were knocked over by Jesus in the melee concerning the vendors (Eppstein 1964: 57). That anything accidental or inadvertent can have taken place with furniture as massive as was used in the temple is quite implausible (Seqal. 2.1; 6.5). More probably, the quotation from Jer 7:11 led to the reference to money-changers, whose existence Jesus (or any other Jew of the period) would have taken for granted (Seqal. 1.3).
What does stand out as an oddity, however, is that the vendors of animals are placed at the site of the temple instead of at Hanuth.
Naturally, the possibility must be faced, that the reference to both the money-changers and the vendors is the result of a misreading of sacrificial arrangements by Christians who had lost touch with their Judaic heritage. On such an understanding, reflection upon Jer 7:11 alone produced the story as we can read it today in the Synoptic. The fatal flaw in that reconstruction is that Jer 7:11 alone is not what is ascribed to Jesus: rather, a mixed citation of Isa 56:7 and Jer 7:11 is attributed to him. A mixing of scriptural elements in that manner is characteristic of Jesus, not of those who shaped the tradition after him (Chilton 1984). It is theoretically possible that a mixed citation, correctly attributed to Jesus, was then attached arbitrarily to the narrative of the vendors, as it was to that of the money-changers. But the fact is that the vendors appear in the best witnesses of Luke 19:45, without a mention of the money-changers, so that the former appear a more stable element in the narrative than the latter. Moreover, the scriptural citation in John 2:17 (Ps 69:9) is quite unlike the Synoptic allusion (and is not attributed to Jesus), so that the story of Jesus' occupation of the temple does not appear to be a simple expansion of a favorite text into the form of a narrative. As a matter of fact, Jesus would by no means be unique among rabbis in objecting to commercial arrangements related to the cult; Simeon ben Gamaliel is said to have intervened in the matter of pricing doves (Ker. 1.7). More generally, complaints of high priestly rapacity are found in Pesah. 57a. Even Vitellius, at the time he restored custody of vestments to the temple, also remitted certain taxes; a criticism of financial arrangements during the period of Pilate and Caiaphas may have been implicit in his action (Ant 18.4.3). On balance, it would appear that Caiaphas did engineer the installation of vendors in the temple, that Jesus reacted with force, and that the collision of the two was finally adjudicated by Pilate, Caiaphas' protector (Chilton 1984: 18).
Bibliography
Catchpole, D.R. 1971. The Trial of Jesus. SPB 12. Leiden.
Chilton, B.D. 1984. A Galilean Rabbi and His Bible. GNS 8. Wilmington.
Eppstein, V. 1964. The Historicity of the Gospel Account of the
Cleansing of the Temple. ZNW 55:42-58.
Jeremias, J. 1969. Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus. Trans. F.H.
and C.H. Cave. London.
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canon
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A=Accepted, R=Rejected, ?=Disputed, M=accepted with Modifications, P=Present, G=accepted in Greek translation, L=accepted in Latin translation, S=accepted in Syriac translation, lower case letters subject to interpretation 3Sep95
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